1/ It is in this part that Tolstoy the philosopher appears for the first time, as he starts talking about the French invasion of Russia in 1812.
It’s interesting to read these chapters whilst trying to understand the current war in Ukraine.
“… to us, to posterity who view the thing that happened in all its magnitude and perceive its plain and terrible meaning, these causes seem insufficient. To us it is incomprehensible that millions of Christian men killed and tortured each other either because Napoleon was ambitious or Alexander was firm, or because England’s policy was astute or the Duke of Oldenburg wronged. We cannot grasp what connection such circumstances have with the actual fact of slaughter and violence: why because the Duke was wronged, thousands of men from the other side of Europe killed and ruined the people of Smolensk and Moscow and were killed by them.” (Vol.2, P.1, ch.1)
Some readers object to these chapters but I don’t. Tolstoy has always been interested in the causes and motivations of human behaviour—it makes perfect sense that he wants to examine the roots of something on a much larger scale, something incomprehensible such as war.
2/ The first chapters of Volume 3 are the history chapters, the supposedly dry chapters. But there are some beautiful details, like this:
“The sun was only just appearing from behind the clouds, the air was fresh and dewy. A herd of cattle was being driven along the road from the village, and over the fields the larks rose trilling, one after another, like bubbles rising in water.” (Vol.3, P.1, ch.4)
Or:
“They had hardly ridden up a hill, past a tavern, before they saw a group of horsemen coming towards them. In front of the group, on a black horse with trappings that glittered in the sun, rode a tall man with plumes in his hat and black hair curling down to his shoulders. He wore a red mantle, and stretched his long legs forward in French fashion. The man rode towards Balashov at a gallop, his plumes flowing and his gems and gold lace glittering in the bright June sunshine.” (ibid.)
Later, when Tolstoy writes about Nikolai Rostov in the battlefield, he also adds some beautiful details:
“Tattered, blue-purple clouds, reddening in the east, were scudding before the wind.” (Vol.3, P.1, ch.14)
And:
“As soon as the sun appeared in a clear strip of sky beneath the clouds, the wind fell, as if it dared not spoil the beauty of the summer morning after the storm; drops continued to fall, but vertically now, and all was still. The whole sun appeared on the horizon and disappeared behind a long, narrow cloud that hung above it. A few minutes later it reappeared brighter still from behind the top of the cloud, tearing its edge. Everything grew bright and glittered.” (ibid.)
Isn’t that so beautiful? I’m still reading the translation by Aylmer and Louise Maude, revised by Amy Mandelker, in case anyone’s wondering.
3/ If we go back a bit to the year Natasha and Andrei are staying apart at the old Bolkonsky’s “request”, I note that Tolstoy stays entirely with Natasha’s perspective and doesn’t follow Andrei—not even for a brief moment—until he’s back in Moscow. We know Natasha’s thoughts, we know Sonya’s, we know the old man’s, we know Marya’s, but what does Andrei think about the engagement and the separation? What does he think about his father’s objection to the marriage? How often does he think about Natasha? Does he have doubt? Does he compare Natasha and Lise in his head? What does he think when he gets the letters from Natasha, and does he notice the slight change in tone?
And when he’s back in Moscow and talking to Pierre, we can see his reaction to the news that Natasha “has been at death’s door”, but the point of view is Pierre’s—we don’t know what Andrei is thinking at that moment.
This is not a complaint, I’m just pointing out Tolstoy’s decision. We do know Andrei’s thoughts afterwards and his pain, and I can also see that he never realises his own part in Natasha’s misery and lapse of judgment.
The chapter of Andrei at Bald Hills, visiting his family before going off to war, is magnificent.
“… it struck him as strange and unexpected to find the way of life there unchanged and still the same in every detail. He entered through the gates with their stone pillars, and drove up the avenue leading to the house as if he were entering an enchanted, sleeping castle. The same old stateliness, the same cleanliness, the same stillness reigned there, and inside there was the same furniture, the same walls, sounds, and smell, and the same timid faces, only somewhat older.” (Vol.3, P.1, ch.8)
This is like my boyfriend returning to his hometown and going to the old pub to find everything exactly the same: time passes and lives change, but in the pub, everything looks exactly the same and everyone looks the same, just a bit older.
“Little Nikolai alone had changed. He had grown, become rosier, had curly dark hair, and when merry and laughing quite unconsciously lifted the upper lip of his pretty little mouth just as the little princess used to do. He alone did not obey the law of immutability in the enchanted sleeping castle. But though externally all remained as of old, the inner relations of all these people had changed since Prince Andrei had seen them last.” (ibid)
This reminds me of the two moments of Andrei with the oak, though the difference is that earlier the oak appears to change because Andrei has changed inside (having fallen in love with Natasha), whereas now there is change in the relations of people at Bald Hills.
The chapter also makes me think of Vanity Fair: George Osborne also leaves for war without being reconciled to his father, though of course the conflict between him and old Osborne is much more serious than between Andrei and old Bolkonsky.
“He sought in himself either remorse for having angered his father, or regret at leaving home for the first time in his life on bad terms with him, and was horrified to find neither. What meant still more to him was, that he sought and did not find in himself the former tenderness for his son which he had hoped to reawaken by caressing the boy and taking him on his knee.” (ibid.)
That is so good. Tolstoy is not sentimental.
4/ This is an interesting quote:
“Pfuel was one of those theoreticians who so love their theory that they lose sight of the theory’s object—its practical application. His love of theory made him hate everything practical, and he would not listen to it. He was even pleased by failure, for failures resulting from deviations in practice from the theory, only proved to him the accuracy of his theory.” (Vol.3, P.1, ch.10)
I see this a lot.
5/ In an earlier blog post, I wrote that Tolstoy often picked a detail or image for a character, and repeated it many times. In War and Peace, because of the scope and the large canvas, he doesn’t repeat them all throughout the book as he later does in Anna Karenina, but there’s still some repetition. And he also does it with the historical characters.
For example, Napoleon:
“Napoleon noticed Balashov’s embarrassment when uttering these last words: his face twitched and the calf of his left leg began to quiver rhythmically. Without moving from where he stood he began speaking in a louder tone and more hurriedly than before. During the speech that followed Balashov, who more than once lowered his eyes, involuntarily noticed the quivering of Napoleon’s left leg which increased the more, the more Napoleon raised his voice.” (Vol.3, P.1, ch.6)
And later:
“He went in silence from one corner of the room to the other and again stopped in front of Balashov. Balashov noticed that his left leg was quivering faster than before and his face seemed petrified in its stern expression. This quivering of his left leg was a thing Napoleon was conscious of.” (ibid.)
Here’s Pfuel of Prussia:
“Pfuel was short and very thin but broad-boned, of coarse, robust build, broad in the hips and with prominent shoulder-blades. His face was much wrinkled and his eyes deep set. His hair had evidently been hastily brushed smooth in front on the temples, but stuck up behind in quaint little tufts.” (Vol.3, P.1, ch.10)
Later we see him again, and see the tufts of hair again:
“He said a few words to Prince Andrei and Chernyshov about the present war, with the air of a man who knows beforehand that all will go wrong, and who is not displeased that it should be so. The unbrushed tufts of hair sticking up behind and the hastily brushed hair on his temples expressed this most eloquently.” (ibid.)
And again:
“From the tone in which the courtiers addressed him, and the way Paulucci had allowed himself to speak of him to the Emperor, but above all from a certain desperation in Pfuel’s own expressions, it was clear that the others knew, and Pfuel himself felt, that his fall was at hand. And despite his self-confidence and grumpy German sarcasm he was pitiable, with his hair smoothly brushed on the temples and sticking up in tufts behind.” (Vol.3, P.1, ch.11)
By pinning down a physical detail and repeating it, Tolstoy makes a character more real, more memorable.
I just wanted to say thank you so much for writing this. I’ve spent a lifetime as a researcher on Russia, have lived for 25 years in Moscow, and I’m ashamed to say that I’ve never read War and Peace. You’re really selling it! So now I have to, and I will enjoy it more thanks to your blog.
ReplyDeleteHaha glad to hear that. You'd love it.
DeleteLet me know when you're reading it.
Personally I found the more "historical" aspect of the novel fascinating. This is partly because it makes such a contrast with how we study the history of the Napoleonic Wars in the English-speaking world (focusing so much more on Britain's role-Trafalgar, the Peninsular Campaign, etc.; I am ashamed to admit I'd never even heard of the Berezina before this book, and then was surprised at how many maps don't even show the river). Partly it is also because Tolstoy's theorizing has become such a part of his legacy. (Revisiting the Wikipedia article on him recently I was struck by how the portion on his "Religious and Political Beliefs" is twice as long as the discussion of his fiction.) And partly it is because of the tension between his approach to literature and his theorizing. While, as the passages you have cited in this wonderful series of posts makes clear, Tolstoy's stature as "the great realist" is entirely deserved, his thought about human behavior--about what makes human beings behave as they do--seems to have increasingly moved beyond the conventional, individualistic ideas about human behavior on which literary realism is premised (as we see in his discussion of the behavior of people in groups and masses, such as you cite here, and his struggle with the matter of determinism in the essay at the book's end).
ReplyDeleteHave you ever read Isaiah Berlin's "The Hedgehog and the Fox"? As Berlin explains, according to the fable, the fox knows many little things, and the hedgehog knows one big thing. His theory is that Tolstoy's talents were those of a fox -- the ability to describe the human experience in its endless variation. But that Tolstoy always yearned to be a hedgehog -- i.e., a thinker guided by one big idea. As Berlin notes, Dostoyevsky was a successful hedgehog, but not Tolstoy. He is great when he describes the manifold nature of the human experience, not when he tries to boil the movements of history down to a single force or set of forces. I tend to agree with Berlin. My problem with Tolstoy's historical philosophy is its fundamental idea -- i.e., that the decisions of individual leaders have little effect on human history (appearances notwithstanding) -- does not appear true to me. Individual leaders are of crucial importance, I think. Without Hitler's decision to start WW2, you don't have WW2. Without Putin's decision to invade Ukraine, you don't have the present war. I'm not saying that the complex mass movements of people have no effect -- they obviously do. But Tolstoy's almost monomaniacal theory that "great men" have no effect on history, that Napoleon was just the froth on the leading edge of an inevitable and unstoppable wave of humanity, just seems wrong to me. I sometimes wonder if Tolstoy's theory of history was born, unconsciously, of his contempt for Napoleon: He so hated Napoleon, he didn't even want to give him credit for the bad he did. I don't know.
ReplyDeleteI agree it's an interesting decision for Tolstoy to hold off describing Andrei's inner feelings during the breakoff with Natasha. Maybe he didn't really need to. When you see Andrei through Pierre's compassionate and perceptive eyes, you see all. That scene where Pierre comes to Andrei and sees him animatedly discussing the war with others -- and recognizes his own habit of speaking volubly in order to quell painful emotions -- gives you two pieces of deep human insight for the price of one.
(Actually, correction: I think Andrei is animatedly discussing the dismissal of Speranksy at the time.)
DeleteI haven't read Berlin's piece-but it seems it will have to go on my reading list now.
DeleteSpeaking for myself-the fact that Tolstoy went so far in the direction of denying individual agency was part of its interest, especially because the "Great Man" theory of history was so much more a part of historiography then (and in my view remains too large a part of thinking about history for most). Still, he was very eager to conceive the events he covers in terms of his personal philosophy-while not always being consistent, because other prejudices were involved. I certainly agree that his hatred of Napoleon was among these, and that it confused things. In fact I mentioned this in my own discussion of the book some years ago:
https://raritania.blogspot.com/2014/04/telling-lies-about-tolstoys-war-and.html
https://raritania01.medium.com/telling-lies-about-tolstoys-war-and-peace-e7cfeee83dd0
I'll read your posts soon.
DeleteBut yeah I believe Tolstoy's theory was a reaction to how big and widespread the Great Man theory was in his time, so he went all the way to the other extreme. His stance on Shakespeare was similar, I think, a reaction to bardolatry.
Definitely agreed there. His attacks in his essay extended beyond Shakespeare's reputation to what he saw as the "cult of Shakespeare," which he spent a fair bit of time tracing the history of and trying to explain (and that as if thinking it deserved its own chapter in Charles McKay's book Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds, which I got the sense that he read).
DeleteHave you ever read G. Wilson Knight's 'response' to Tolstoy's attacks on Shakespeare?
DeleteI'm afraid I haven't.
DeleteYou should then. I think it's much more interesting than George Orwell's essay.
DeleteIt's in The Wheel of Fire, and the entire book is good, even if I don't always agree with his interpretations.
I'll have to add that to the reading list, too. (Orwell's essay I have read-and I must admit I didn't particularly care for it.)
DeleteYeah I believe The Wheel of Fire is considered a classic in Shakespearean criticism.
DeleteThe George Orwell essay is shared in lots of places, but I don't particularly like it. To me, it's too much like a personal attack on Tolstoy.
The personal attack element had a lot to do with why I didn't like it--while, ironically, I think it says more about where Orwell was when he published it (in 1947, in the very late, pessimistic, cynical, "dystopian" phase of his career) than it does about Tolstoy.
DeleteIncidentally I've drafted a post about Orwell's essay, which I expect to have up on my blog soon.
I'll check it out after my headache hahahhaa.
DeleteLast weekend I was at the beach (Filey), which was lovely, but now I'm back and I've got a headache again hahaha.
I think you would like G. Wilson Knight's essay.
Nader,
ReplyDeleteHaha thanks for the compliment.
I do find the history chapters fascinating, especially after reading Vanity Fair (also set during the Napoleonic Wars).
Nader and Michael,
Regarding Tolstoy's thoughts about determinism and history, I'm probably going to get back to it later, if I'm brave enough to blog about it (I might not hahahahaha).